Thewesternbalkans.
Kosovo still has no government, and we now know that new elections will certainly have to be held sooner rather than later.
The election of a speaker of Kosovo parliament has been ongoing since April 19. The parliament has been deadlocked after deputies failed for the 14th time to elect a speaker, prolonging the institutional crisis that began after the February 9 elections. Only 92 deputies attended the session on May 11, and the proposal to form a secret ballot committee was again rejected due to the opposition parties’ refusal to participate.
The main reason for the inability to nominate a speaker of parliament is the unwillingness of the Self-Determination Movement (LVV) to withdraw its candidate, the resigned Minister of Justice Albulena Haxhiu, a controversial and highly polarizing political figure, not accepted by the opposition parties, who in the 14 rounds held so far could not gather the necessary 61 votes. The opposition parties PDK, LDK, ABK, NISMA and Serbian List are opposed to her candidacy and are not participating in the voting process.
Kurti is insisting on Haxhiu’s candidacy, despite the obvious impossibility of her being elected, in order to gain time necessary to secure the insufficient votes to elect a coalition government led by him. Only then is he expected to propose a more consensual figure for speaker of parliament.
Acting Prime Minister Kurti approached the opposition party LDK to form a government, but the LDK rejected the offer. The LDK then filed 17 lawsuits against Kurti’s party, the LVV, for occupying the government instead of resigning.
The LDK proposed a transitional government until a new president is elected in 2026 – an idea that the LVV strongly opposes, although other parties remain open to dialogue. The opposition is looking to the Constitutional Court or the president for intervention. President Vjosa Osmani remains largely detached from the crisis in the country. She has preferred foreign policy activities – visits to Malaysia, Bhutan, Turkey and Qatar.
Theoretically, she could take the matter to the Constitutional Court, but it is unclear how the question could be formulated, and the Constitutional Court has refrained from interfering in the political deadlock. Another problem is that the Constitution does not limit the number of votes a speaker of parliament can cast. However, the Office of President Vjosa Osmani has signaled a willingness to mediate, planning to invite party leaders for talks. Observers say the impasse reflects a crisis of political culture and an inability to demonstrate the maturity expected of an independent democratic state.
The looming impasse could be resolved in two ways. According to the first scenario, Kurti could manage to secure the necessary votes for a coalition formula. Even if a speaker of the parliament is elected, obstacles to forming a government remain. Kurti would then have 60 days to secure 61 votes in parliament. It is questionable whether he can do this, which is also the reason for the current obstruction of the election of the speaker of parliament. Kurti is aware that the largest opposition party, the Democratic Party of Kosovo (DPK), is able to secure a broad opposition coalition led by the popular mayor of Mitrovica, Bedri Hamza. Therefore, the stalemate is advantageous for LVV.
The other scenario is the holding of early elections. But such elections can only be organized if the parliament is constituted and a speaker is elected. A number of observers note in this context the option of LVV and PDK agreeing on the constitution of the parliament, only for it to decide on its dissolution, respectively the holding of early elections, for which 80 votes are needed, which both parties have. Early parliamentary elections could be held at the end of June at the earliest, but it is more likely that they will be held together with local elections in the fall of 2025.
So far, there is no external intervention to resolve the crisis in Kosovo. The country remains under EU sanctions for its perceived role in last year’s unrest in northern Kosovo. The European Commission is working very cautiously on the gradual lifting of the measures.
Brussels’ assessment of the progress made in implementing reforms in Kosovo leaves the general impression that there is a backlog. Kosovo has signed the Reform Instrument agreement and is about to sign the loan agreement. Both agreements must be ratified by parliament with a two-thirds majority. Problems with the constitution of the parliament are hampering the ratification process, which is a condition for Kosovo to receive up-front and ex-post financing. Kosovo’s request to join the Council of Europe has been ignored, as was its application for EU candidate status.
There is also no discernible effort from the US to solve Kurti’s problems, quite the opposite: a move by the U.S. Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) to dismantle the Millennium Challenge Corporation program could result in Kosovo losing nearly a quarter of a billion dollars in energy investment grants.
Despite Kurti’s failures in governance, he refuses to compromise and seems unconcerned about extending the blockade, regardless of the institutional damage or the cost to Kosovo.
