Thewesternbalkans
The local elections in Kosovo (October 12) were for mayors and municipal councils in 38 municipalities. Of these, 21 municipalities ended the race in the first round because the candidates received more than 50% of the vote. In 17 municipalities, including Pristina, Prizren, Peja and Gjilan, there will be a second round, scheduled for November 9, 2025.
Serbs’ return to government – too late
The local elections in Kosovo resulted in a convincing victory for “Srpska Lista” – the largest Kosovo Serb party, supported by official Belgrade. Its candidates won the mayoral elections in nine of the ten municipalities with a Serb majority in Kosovo and it will form the government there.
All settlements inhabited by Serbs traditionally vote for “Srpska Lista” and the party collected more than 60% of the vote there. Politicians who tried to challenge Aleksandar Vučić’s influence in the battle for the support of Kosovo Serbs were unsuccessful. The lists of prominent politicians Marko Jakšić and Aleksandar Arsentijević received rather modest results.
It is now clear that after two years of Albanian mayors, the Serbs are regaining control in the north and in the enclaves. In 2023, Belgrade called on Serbs to boycott the elections and leave “state institutions”. Over the next two years, Albanians effectively took over all state institutions in Serbian municipalities. And now, in 2025, Serbs have participated in the elections and returned to the institutions, at least politically.
The municipal elections in Kosovo have become an important indicator of Belgrade’s continued political influence in the region. The victory of the Serbian List demonstrates that official Belgrade retains its mandate to represent the interests of Kosovo Serbs.
A rebuke for Kurti
Meanwhile, across Kosovo, Prime Minister Albina Kurti’s ruling Vetëvendosje (VV) party has suffered defeats and is losing ground in key municipalities and is unable to hold on to the capital. VV, while strong nationally, has only won a few first-round victories (Podujevë, Kamenicë, Gjilan), but is not dominant in many municipalities and is lagging behind in some key cities.
The Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) has won several municipalities in the first round, including significant places such as Ferizaj and Skenderaj. In Pristina, South Mitrovica and Ferizaj, PDK candidates received significant support and run-offs will be held in these municipalities.
The Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) managed to win in Lipjan and Istog and will compete in some run-offs.
The good results of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK), assessed as a “historic victory” by its leader Ramush Haradinaj, show an increase in the number of representatives of this party in local government.
Without winning in the big cities – Pristina, Prizren, South Mitrovica, Pec, Vetëvendosje has suffered a steep political decline. The reasons for the declining support are the ongoing institutional crisis, the rejection of international allies, poor governance, a poorly structured local campaign and an obsession with the north, which is now completely under the control of ethnic Serbs. With the local re-establishment of the “Srpska Lista”, the implementation of Kurti’s plans to integrate the Serbian education and health systems in the rest of Kosovo may prove unfeasible, especially since the constitution promises to protect the independence of Serbian institutions.
Political fragmentation
These local elections clearly demonstrated the continuing political fragmentation in the region — none of the major parties (including Vetëvendosje) clearly dominates everywhere, many municipalities are going to runoffs. The VV’s monopolization of governance does not correspond to the real diversity of voter support on the ground. This means that power at the local level will depend on agreements and coalitions. A challenge for governance is the large number of municipalities with run-offs, which will require the formation of local coalitions shortly after the final results. The new mayors and municipal council authorities must quickly organize governance, especially in municipalities with acute social and infrastructure needs.
Expect early parliamentary elections
In these circumstances, a national government must now be formed, which is likely to be weak, as Kurti will have to look for coalition partners. The local elections revealed a slight increase in support for the PDK, positioning it as the leading force in a potential coalition government. But Vetëvendosje has already refused to do so with the PDK or the “Srpska Lista” and is left with few potential partners. This outlines early elections soon. Kurti already said on Monday that if there is no Kurti III government, then there will be new parliamentary elections. But the voter turnout in the local elections was around 39%, which is lower than in previous local elections. This means that all political parties must deal with growing voter apathy.
Increasing international pressure
The election results could lead to increased international pressure on Kurti, who has so far shown little willingness to change course, despite EU sanctions restricting financial support in response to the government’s treatment of the Serb minority, and the United States’ suspension of strategic dialogue talks on the same issue.
The EU is paying special attention to Northern Kosovo. On the one hand, the return of the “Srpska Lista” potentially gives Brussels new leverage to pressure Pristina for Serb participation in Kosovo institutions and the resumption of dialogue with Serbia. But on the other hand, the return of the Serbian List will complicate relations between local and central levels of government, which will be a constant source of crises requiring EU intervention.
However, the institutional crisis in Kosovo leaves no room for rapid political change. Kurti has no incentive to change course unless there is a clear and consistent signal from outside that he will bear a high political price. The US and the EU would prefer a new government without Kurti and are doing everything they can to that end. Should he succeed in forming the next government, the measures against Pristina could become even tougher.
